Part 7: The New Party and how it was crushed

For Westerners living far away from Europe, it can sometimes be very hard to grasp the gravity of the political situation in particular European countries. People from Eastern Europe have in recent memory the reaction from some such Westerners, when they heard about how there was no food to buy in the food store: "So why didn't you go to another food store to buy food?" In the same manner we have recently heard across the Atlantic the (in another context perfectly sensible, but here not at all applicable) objection, that the Swedish anti-jihadists, instead of joining and co-operating with the Sweden Democrats (who everybody knows and agrees has some very problematic things in their past), should have started a fresh new party undoubtedly free from any historical baggage of real, imagined or distant neo-Nazi connections, or anything of the sort.

Of course, quite as the subject under the communist empire could get his legs moving and take a walk to another food store, a new party could have been started in Sweden. And in both cases it's not as if it hasn't been tried. But in both cases to no avail. And this for fundamental reasons built into the system. In part 4 and part 5 I have already described how power is practiced in Sweden by the hegemony, through a system designed so that the MSM entirely holds the complete power over whether a new party is able to enter the political arena, i.e. whether the existence of it will be known at all to the general electorate. Clearly a political party, which existence is virtually unknown of, is as pointless as supermarket without food.

In part 6 I told the story about The New Party and how it was crushed by the system. However, for someone not knowing Sweden from the inside, I can see how it could still be hard to fully take in the magnitude of this. Therefore I will here present a more detailed account of it, told by the founder of the party himself -- Ian Wachtmeister. I found this compilation of quotes at Jan Milld's site BGF (read it in Swedish here). My fellow countryman, LN, who often contributes to Gates of Vienna, did the bulk of the translation (thanks LN!). Then Baron B perfected the English, before I had a final go at it giving it that proper Swenglish touch.

This will provide you with all the context you need to understand the political climate of Sweden!

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From Ian Wachtmeister's book The Frogs (Grodorna) -- about experiences of the election campaign 1998, when The New Party tried to hold public meetings in town squares:

The Election Campaign 1998

"The Jesuits professed themselves adherent of the thesis: 'the end justifies the means'. Is the end sufficiently glorious, then all and any means can be applied."

"February 1998: Svegfors, the editor for the Swedish daily paper Svenska Dagbladet, says in front of an astonished audience at the Institute for Company Management (IFL): 'Wachtmeister does not have a chance. He will at the most reach 0.2 percent. Because we will simply not write a word about him.' On a direct question he explained that by 'we' he meant virtually all media in Sweden!"

"The election campaign of The New Party consequently started in the first days in June 1998.

Just after midsummer 1998 hooligans were crashing our meetings. Vegans, communists, antifascists and whatever they call themselves, always led by the Young Left (Swedish ex-Communist Youth League) with the SSU (Swedish Social Democratic Youth League) as a detached observer. They implemented organized riots and broke all possible laws there are to protect the freedom of speech of election meetings summoned in due order. It started in Gävle and continued in Norrtälje, Stockholm, Nynäshamn, Västervik, Kalmar, Halmstad, Falkenberg, Varberg, Umeå, Skellefteå, Luleå, Linköping, Jönköping, Lund, Malmö and once more in Stockholm. To the extent that any police at all were present at least they tried to hold the hooligans at distance, but there was a dreadful noise and uproar, that I can guarantee. However, we never broke off a meeting, instead we increased the sound level on our speakers. Pia Dahlström, who appeared together with me in the majority of riotous meetings, was tough and strong. And spoke excellently. Good work, Pia!

The organized riots were reported to the police. In no case this led to any prosecutions. The legal investigations were withdrawn - if they were even started.

Do not believe that we were attacked by 'personally involved young people' (an expression that was used in the papers in Skåne!). With ready-made printed lampoons, rattles and whistles, uniformed in black and with black and red flags and with commanders in civilian clothes, who led their forces by cell phone, they tried to take over the entire meeting. By ourselves, we had to push away the hooligans with the right hand and hold the microphone with the left. Nota bene - on the entire tour the police never captured anyone attempting sabotage of the freedom of assembly, but only for direct insults and gesticulations against the police. Those who were apprehended were immediately released.

Add to all this the murder threats via letters and e-mails and one well armed person that we observed at a meeting in Nynäshamn.

Probably the prosecutors considered it unnecessary even to take our police-reports seriously. It only concerned "outcasts" from an excommunicated party!

The risk was nil that someone in the powerful right - or left - circles should care about the nonchalance of the authorities. And of course this was entirely correct. The media remained obediently silent.

There are still more remarkable elements. In multiple places it was acknowledged that school teachers sanctioned the hooliganism and that sympathetic pupils were given free time in order to be able to contribute their share to democracy. In some places, teachers even participated as conductors of the actions!!

But now just listen! In Lund, where the unlawfulness was passively backed by police who showed a clear political sympathy for them, my wife (!) when protecting herself was reported to the police for having attacked young people. That dossier was dismissed after approximately eighteen months."

"In the locale paper Sydsvenskan Eva Persson, the leader of the hooligans, declared that she was pleased beyond expectations with how effective everything had been in Lund due to the cooperation with the police. Sure, this is exactly what she said to the newspapers.

The police in Malmö dialed me immediately after the meeting in Lund and made their apologies for the disgraceful behavior of the police in Lund. They suggested that I should report to the police the police of Lund... which I did. This internal investigation, however, was dismissed. What did you believe?

Meanwhile between the end of June and the election on September 20 the bigger newspapers wrote almost nothing about these riots and nobody, I repeat nobody, dissociated themselves from them, neither our alas! so moral editors like Svegfors and Leijonhufvud on the Svenska Dagbladet, nor those leading politicians that during orderly conditions themselves could disseminate their message around the country. My friend, pastor Alf [Svensson- party leader of the Christian Democrats 1973-2004], did not say a word. I wonder what Jesus would have said about that.

As said before, September 20 was election day. An election in Sweden is a TV play. The New Party had never been presented in TV, and precisely as the editor Svegfors promised, nor in any newspapers. That obedient wife of Pär Nuder [former socialist minister of Finance], i.e. Ingrid Carlberg, journalist at Dagens Nyheter, for security's sake wrote an article two days before the election in which you could read that I had given up. The Swedish Radio news program Dagens Eko (the Daily Echo) helpfully contributed with a similar comment during ongoing election!!

Through the outcome of the election the order was restored. No new parties would disturb those dozing, already established parties. The cooperation with the media had functioned according to plan.

I had, along with a brave gang, held meetings approximately one hundred and thirty times throughout Sweden from the north to the south, from east to west. Many had listened to our message (see the introduction to this chapter). But when in the media it looked as if the party was not participating in the election, this did not bring many votes. Twenty-five thousand for certain.

The New Party's election campaign was despite all difficulties carried out in a very good mood and I am eternally grateful to everyone who lined up. Eloquent, spirited and brave young ladies expressed their messages and were encouraged by the manifest support of the real audience. The truck, with drivers and co-workers, that patiently went on working, despite repeated sabotage, graffiti, pierced tires, smashed windshields, drove on through the country."

"But then, ladies and gentlemen, half a year after the election, the chief editor of Dagens Nyheter (DN) began to speak. On March 15, 1999 he published a signed editorial asking: 'Is a party leader allowed to speak in Sweden?'

It began like this: 'Why didn't anybody react against the systematic disturbances of Ian Wachtmeister's election meetings? Björn Elmbrandt (of Swedish Radio) asked us in the Media this conscience question in his inaugural lecture for the DN-professorship in journalism at the Stockholm University. Elmbrandt's starting point was the defense of democracy. Representatives for a political party have all rights to speak on general meetings during an election campaign.'

Hans Bergström establishes that the only true police investigation that was started, and that was linked to The New Party's election meetings, was a preliminary investigation initiated against my wife because she defended herself against those who disturbed a meeting. This despite the fact that the party had reported meeting disturbances in fifteen towns to the police.

Hans Bergström then reports with a picture of the leaflet that was disseminated by Jenny Lindahl's Young Left activists, the very worst outrage, that in Lund.

He establishes that 'no organized disturbance of a meeting can become clearer than this. Eight organizations, including the youth association of a leading parliament party, have printed posters that urge people to rally round in order to physically prevent a party leader from speaking to the voters, because his views about taxes and labor legislation (according to what is explained in a folder) are not liked. Ian Wachtmeister reported also this disturbance of a meeting to the police and the prosecutor. Since the most apparent evidence was in printed form, the prosecutor submitted the dossier to the Chancellor of Justice (JK) that has to monitor infringements of the press law. The Chancellor of Justice, Hans Regnér, quickly cancelled the dossier with a written justification so miserable that it should be reproduced as a whole.

He starts by saying that it can be difficult to get copies of the poster (despite its apparent existence) or facts concerning to what extent it had been disseminated. The Chancellor of Justice, however, admits that "probably a printed script is involved". Still, the case should not be investigated "because a continued investigation in order to clarify the questions would require significant costs". Furthermore, the sanction would probably not become more severe than fines, the Chancellor of Justice gives as an excuse. Admittedly "one must look seriously upon urgent requests to disturb freedom of assembly as guaranteed by the constitution. This applies especially when it is question about extra-parliamentary methods that aim to disturb or to prevent political parties from expressing their messages in connection with general elections", but -- the Chancellor of Justice continues his excuses -- some more systematic campaign it does not seem to have been. (How does the Chancellor of Justice know that without an investigation?) Therefore, the Chancellor of Justice decides that a preliminary investigation will not be initiated. "The dossier is hereby closed." Instead, a preliminary investigation is initiated by the prosecutor against Lena Wachtmeister half a year later!

And Hans Bergström continues: 'this is unparalleled for a democracy and a state governed by law. Fifteen coarse meeting disturbances. The worst in Lund. Broken campaign trucks and fifteen murder threats against a political party in the middle of an election campaign in Sweden did not result in one single preliminary investigation. In the majority of places the police remained entirely passive. In some cases they put up gigantic riot barriers that also hindered the holding of an ordinary political meeting. Everything in order to avoid having to intervene against political hooligans having no understanding that freedom of assembly belongs to democracy.

Had corresponding meeting-disturbances hit Olof Johansson [then leader of the Center Party], Göran Persson [then leader of the Social Democrats], Carl Bildt [then leader of the Moderates], Gudrun Schyman or Birger Schlaug [Left and Green] it is self-evident that the police would have acted in an entirely different way; probably the Chancellor of Justice had done it also. Now, it was about a small party, nevertheless with a former parliament member as party leader, one could not expect the same general understanding. At this point the state governed by law is put to the test.

Like Björn Elmbrandt I am as a publicist ashamed that we did not react more strongly already during the election campaign in 1998 against the systematic attacks on The New Party's right to speak. The party and the party leader will not line up in the election to the European Parliament now in July, to a large extent because of what happened in 1998. It might be the correct conclusion, but it is drawn off a wrong reason. We cannot have order in the Swedish democracy where police, prosecutors and the Chancellor of Justice accept that hooligans and mobsters prevent party leaders from speaking to voters-to-be in election times.

So far this very elucidating article by Hans Bergström.

On March 19 the somewhat pressed Chancellor of Justice expresses himself in the paper Dagens Nyheter. His contribution is so fatally illogical and contrary to the law that I do not want to tire you with it.

Hans Bergström patiently pointed out for the Chancellor of Justice that it is more than a matter of standard procedure when a party leader systematically is prevented from holding campaign meetings during the election process. It is about an attack against the vital nerve of democracy. Then the sum of the judicial system's responses should not look like what it now did: the Chancellor of Justice decided that no preliminary investigation should be initiated concerning the election posters requesting meeting disturbances, the police in Lund remained entirely passive face to face with the hooligans, nor was a preliminary investigation later initiated about the disturbance of the meeting and the Chief District Prosecutor in Malmö quickly discontinued the preliminary investigation concerning police malfeasance.

In summary: Not a single instance of the combined Swedish judicial system found a reason to lift a finger against the meeting disturbances or to investigate one iota of what was happening. What does this say about how the judicial system safeguards the Swedish democracy at work? What will the future outcome of it be: That political parties start to establish their own protection corps in order to be able to have election meetings?"

It was all completely effective. As I have already pointed out before, I was not even aware of the existence of this party until four years later, before the election 2002, when I started taking an interest in how things had gone very wrong in my country. It was at BGF I read about it.

Sweden is a dominant-party system, verging on a de facto single-party state, with the Social Democrats as the "State Party". We have read here about the role of the Social Democratic youth organization (SSU) in this. I will have reason to come back to where the Expo Foundation fits into this picture.

I think this final post of my series should make it all clear to my readers to what extent the PC regime in Sweden is a hermetically sealed system. And that at this point the Sweden Democrats is the only available battering ram to break through this wall. And the reason why it's a party with a checkered past (i.e. the officially appointed punching bag) is all part of the system too -- an integral part of it. As is indicated by my series: the more hermetically sealed the PC regime of a country, the murkier the past of the anti-establishment party. But that was the past, when the omnipotence of the PC regimes was staggering. This is all changing now.

More:

Part 1: Counterjihadism changing the European political map
Part 2: Sweden Democrats and Hollywood Nazis
Part 3: It's a riddle
Part 4: The effect of the constitution in Sweden
Part 5: Sweden and Denmark, closed and open systems
Part 6: Brief history of anti-establishment parties in Sweden